Seasonal Variations of the Eskimo by Mauss Marcel; Fox James J. ;
Author:Mauss, Marcel; Fox, James J. ;
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 1460983
Publisher: Routledge
5 Conclusion
The social life of the Eskimo assumes two clearly opposed forms which parallel a twofold morphology. Undoubtedly, between the two, there are transitions: a group does not always abruptly take up winter quarters nor leave them; similarly, a small summer camp is not always composed of one single family. But it still is generally true that the Eskimo have two ways of grouping, and that in accordance with these two forms there are two corresponding systems of law, two moral codes, two kinds of domestic economy and two forms of religious life. In the dense concentrations of the winter, a genuine community of ideas and material interests is formed. Its strong moral, mental and religious unity contrasts sharply with the isolation, social fragmentation and dearth of moral and religious life that occurs when everyone has scattered during the summer.
The qualitative differences that distinguish these successive and alternating cultural patterns are directly related to quantitative differences in the relative intensity of social life at these two times of the year. Winter is a season when Eskimo society is highly concentrated and in a state of continual excitement and hyperactivity.1 Because individuals are brought into close contact with one another, their social interactions become more frequent, more continuous and more coherent; ideas are exchanged; feelings are mutually revived and reinforced. By its existence and constant activity, the group becomes more aware of itself and assumes a more prominent place in the consciousness of individuals. Conversely in summer, social bonds are relaxed; fewer relationships are formed, and there are fewer people with whom to make them; and thus, psychologically, life slackens its pace.2 The difference between these two periods of the year is, in short, as great as can possibly occur between a period of intense social activity and a phase of languid and depressed social life. This shows quite clearly that the winter house cannot be accounted for exclusively in technological terms. It is obviously one of the essential elements of Eskimo culture, appearing when the culture attains its maximum development; it becomes an absolutely integral part of it, and disappears when the culture begins to decline.3 The winter house is, therefore, dependent on this entire culture.
Social life among the Eskimo goes through a kind of regular rhythm. It is not uniform during the different seasons of the year. It has a high point and a low point. Yet though this curious alternation appears most clearly among the Eskimo, it is by no means confined to this culture. The pattern that we have just noted is more widespread than one would at first suspect.
First, among the American Indians, there is an important group of societies, quite considerable in themselves, that live in the same way. These are mainly the tribes of the northwest coast:4 Tlingit, Haida, Kwakiutl, Aht, Nootka and even a great number of Californian tribes such as the Hupa,5 and the Wintu. Among all these peoples there is an extreme concentration in winter and an equally extreme dispersion in
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